Rajkumar (actor) - Wikipedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajkumar_(actor)

Singanalluru Puttaswamayya Muthuraju (24 April 1929 – 12 April 2006), known mononymously by his stage name Rajkumar, was an Indian actor and singer in ...

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Kidnapping of Rajkumar - Wikipedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kidnapping_of_Rajkumar

Kannada film industry's legendary star actor Rajkumar was abducted by forest Veerappan on July 30, 2000 during the course of an armed attack on a farmhouse ... Image result for rajkumar and veerappan

One hundred days of torment

Veerappan, who abducted Rajkumar more than a hundred days ago, continues to hold the Kannada actor - and also two State governments - hostage. There is growing concern also about the brigand's still unfolding Tamil extremist and pro-LTTE links.
T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
PRAVEEN SWAMI

A HUNDRED days have passed since Muthuraj Puttaswamiah, known to his army of fans as Dr. Rajkumar, was kidnapped by the gang of Gopinatham Muzhukkam Veerappan. The story of Rajkumar's apparently endless captivity is starting to resemble one of the bizarr e plots favoured by the popular film industry of which he was a central part. Like all reel-life heroes, Rajkumar's torments at the hands of villainy, in this case real-life, are legion. The 73-year-old Kannada movie icon has been forced to survive on a spartan diet of sambar and rice, served without the customary curd and interspersed only occasionally by more exotic forest cuisine like venison. He must walk long distances each day through the dense Thalavadi forests in the Satyamangalam area, a nd at night he must sleep in an improvised tent, vulnerable to rain and swarms of mosquitoes.

Far away in Bangalore, Rajkumar's sons have sought to empathise with their father by refusing to shave their beards, and his family members spend much of their time in fervent prayer. But the reasons for Rajkumar's continued incarceration have nothing to do with any divine displeasure. Political confusion, personal ambition, opportunism and the plain recalcitrance of his kidnappers: all these have combined to undermine efforts to secure the actor's release. In his six-decade long career, Rajkumar typica lly played the innocent do-gooder, trapped in evil machinations set in play by forces beyond his control. During his more lonely nights in the Sathyamangalam forests, it must sometimes appear to him that distinctions between reel and real life have becom e alarmingly blurred. But this is no film; and Veerappan's growing relationship with chauvinist Tamil organisations, inside and outside the forests, gives considerable reason for concern.

COURTESY: NAKKHEERAN

Veerappan shares a word with Rajkumar and another hostage, Nagappa Maradagi, who on September 28 escaped from captivity.

JUST why is Rajkumar still being held by Veerappan? It is clear, at least in retrospect, that several important tactical errors were made by all the major players in the management of the hostage crisis. Rajkumar was kidnapped by an estimated 15 armed me n from his ancestral farmhouse at Doddagajanur late on the night of July 30. By the next morning, his wife Parvathamma reached Bangalore and delivered to Chief Minister S.M. Krishna an audio-cassette handed over by Veerappan. In his message, Veerappan as ked the Karnataka government to send an official envoy, to whom the gang's demands would then be presented. Rumour has it that the tape also contained specific ransom demands. Less than 24 hours later, Krishna was in Chennai, busily engaged in discussion s with his Tamil Nadu counterpart M. Karunanidhi. At the end of the discussions, both agreed to send R.R. Gopal, the editor of the Tamil magazine Nakkheeran, into the Sathyamangalam forests.

Gopal's choice as the official emissary has been the subject of more than a little media criticism. Critics claim that Gopal is a close friend of Veerappan, and therefore unfit to conduct negotiations with him. On the other hand, officials argue that no one other than Gopal had any leverage with Veerappan. The high profile magazine editor had first met Veerappan in April 1996, three years after Nakkheeran reporter P. Sivasubramaniam published the first-ever interviews with the forest brigand, acc ompanied by photographs. In 1997, Gopal's intervention was instrumental in securing the release of nine Karnataka forest guards who had been kidnapped to demand amnesty for the gang and its leader. On that occasion, Gopal had succeeded in bringing out th e hostages without conceding any of Veerappan's demands. Later that year, however, when Veerappan kidnapped a group of wildlife photographers and botanists, the Nakkheeran editor refused to intervene.

COURTESY: NAKKHEERAN

The four emissaries among others, with Veerappan and Rajkumar in the forests.

From the outset, however, Gopal's initiative was ill-fated. During his first visit to the Sathyamangalam forests to meet Veerappan, Gopal found himself confronted with a ridiculous list of conditions for Rajkumar's release. Veerappan handed over ten dema nds, again taped on a cassette. These spanned everything from the release of five members of the Tamil National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Tamil National Retrieval Force (TNRF) held for terrorist activities, to the dropping of charges against another 121 undertrials, of whom all but 51 had already obtained bail, and compensation for the victims of the 1991 Cauvery riots in Karnataka. Other demands included the installation of a statue of the Tamil poet Thiruvalluvar in Bangalore, hikes in procurement pr ice of tea, and higher wages for estate workers. On top of it all, Veerappan added four more demands before Gopal left the forests. Veerappan had a political agenda, and not just cash, on his mind.

Both State governments showed a remarkable willingness to play along with Veerappan. His demand for the release of the TNLA-TNRF prisoners, Krishna and Karunanidhi promised, "would be considered favourably". Little thought appeared to have been given to the serious political implications of such a concession. Even statues of Thiruvalluvar and Kannada poet Sarvajna would be installed in Bangalore and Chennai respectively in response to Veerappan's demand, the governments agreed. Both governments acted al most as if they were negotiating with a people's movement, not a forest criminal.

K. GOPINATH

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi and Minister Arcot N. Veerasamy on their arrival in Bangalore for discussions with Karnataka Chief Minister S.M. Krishna and Home Minister Mallikarjun Kharge in September.

Gopal went back to the Sathyamangalam forests, to tell Veerappan his demands had been largely met. In fact, the State governments' pliant posture generated further problems. The TNLA-TNRF prisoners' advisers, sources told Frontline, saw the offici al responses to Veerappan's demands as a sign of weakness on the part of the government. Although all five of them were entitled to bail, and funds could have been secured with ease to pay the bail amounts, the TNLA-TNRF prisoners now insisted that all c harges against them be dropped.

WHEN Gopal went back to Veerappan for the third time towards the end of August, Rajkumar's release seemed imminent. Since both State governments were willing to meet Veerappan's demands, no real obstacle appeared to remain in the way of a settlement. On August 31, Gopal and Veerappan agreed that as soon as the five TNLA-TNRF prisoners were set free in the forest, Rajkumar and three other hostages taken along with him would be set free, followed by the second group of 121 prisoners. The exchange was sche duled for August 4. Fate, in the form of the Supreme Court, intervened the next morning. As Veerappan was listening to the 12-40 p.m. Tamil news bulletin on All India Radio, using a recently acquired digital radio, he heard of the Supreme Court orders pr ohibiting the release of 51 of the 121 persons jailed under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) who had failed to obtain bail. Veerappan, Gopal says, wanted to know what kalavarayatra thadai meant.

COURTESY: NAKKHEERAN

Veerappan and Gopal with the abducted Karnataka forest officials in August 1997.

It was Tamil for 'indefinite stay': and meant that the agreement that had been hammered out was dead. Karunanidhi contributed his own mite to the subsequent confusion. At a press conference in Chennai, he let it be known that the Supreme Court orders app lied not only to the 51 prisoners held under TADA, but also the five TNLA-TNRF terrorists. In fact, the Supreme Court had said nothing about their fate, for public interest litigation about their future was only to be moved two days later. It is possible that the Chief Minister was influenced by hostility within the State police and the bureaucracy to handing over the terrorists, and did not want a potentially damaging confrontation with the judiciary. Krishna, for his part, was facing sustained critici sm within Karnataka for having conceded too much ground. The final blow came on September 5, when the Karnataka High Court stayed the proceedings of the Justice Sadashiva Commission of Inquiry, investigating alleged human rights violations by the police in the course of operations directed at Veerappan.

Nonetheless, Gopal launched a fourth mission to engage Veerappan in fresh dialogue. On September 28, Gopal suggested that Veerappan unilaterally release one hostage in response to public hostility in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The discussions were schedul ed to continue the next day, but were scuppered when Nagappa Maradagi, Rajkumar's long-time aide, escaped from custody. The escape infuriated Veerappan, who sent men out into the forest with instructions to behead the prisoner if he was caught. Gopal say s he thought it best to leave the forest at that point rather than deal with angry and hostile interlocutors. Although the Nakkheeran editor believes Veerappan would have accepted his unilateral release proposal, and that Nagappa's escape sabotage d a deal, the facts suggest otherwise. Given Veerappan's recalcitrance up to this point, it is probable he would have held out for a better offer.

BY SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT

Gopal with M. Karunanidhi and Karnataka Chief Minister J.H. Patel at the Tamil Nadu Secretariat after discussing Veerappan's offer of surrender in August 1997.

There is at least some evidence that Veerappan's confidence in Gopal was, in any case, waning by this point. The brigand now demanded that politician P.Nedumaran, who heads the ethnic-chauvinist Tamil Desiya Iyakkam (Tamil Nationalist Movement), lead the negotiation process in the Sathyamangalam forests. Nedumaran, Veerappan said, should be accompanied by P. Kalyani, a one-time affiliate of the People's War Group, P. Sukumaran, president of the Pondicherry unit of the People's Union for Civil Liberties, and K. Balagopal, a Hyderabad-based civil rights activist. Balagopal refused a role in negotiations with Veerappan. The other three, however, seemed only too happy to pitch in. This group had strong Tamil nationalist affiliations, and Sukumaran had even served a year in jail on charges of involvement in the bombing of a television station in Kodaikanal. Gopal, travelling along with this group, again pressed for the release of the hostages, but to no avail.

FOR students of the handling of hostage crises, the Rajkumar kidnapping might one day form a textbook study of everything that ought not to be done while seeking to secure the freedom of prisoners. Most important, the prompt acquiescence of both governme nts to the demand to involve Nedumaran, whose political positions and support for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are unacceptable to most mainstream politicians in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, broadcast official desperation. State weakness was made clear at each stage. Rumour has it that the Karnataka film industry and Rajkumar's family made over some Rs.16 crores to Veerappan through Gopal at the outset of the negotiation procedure. One Tamil magazine even alleged that Gopal himself benefited from these proceeds. The Nakkheeran editor laughs off the first of these allegations, and responds with anger to the second. Even if the rumours are untrue, however, they illustrate the basic failings of the crisis resolution process. The decisio n to involve Nedumaran signalled complete official desperation. It also introduced frictions within the negotiation team, and undermined what authority Gopal had.

Karunanidhi may just have seen no problem in flirting with ethnic-chauvinists like Nedumaran, but Krishna's endorsement of the politician infuriated his own Congress(I). Krishna's handling of the affair appears to have been driven by the fear of the cons equences of physical harm to Rajkumar. Vandalism and violence broke out in Bangalore soon after news of the kidnapping came, resulting in at least one death. Educational institutions around the city remained closed for a week, and the disruption caused t o business and industry is estimated to have cost upwards of Rs.116 crores. Nonetheless, many observers believe that fears of a massive ethnic pogrom in Bangalore in the event of Rajkumar being harmed are misplaced. After the first bout of violence, litt le anti-Tamil aggression is evident anywhere in Karnataka. Public interest in the entire affair also appears to be dwindling. In Tamil Nadu, where some politicians had sought to capitalise on Tamil chauvinist support for Veerappan, ordinary people have a lso shown a marked disinterest in the hostage crisis.

It is unclear, however, what options both governments will have should the Supreme Court refuse to allow a hostages-for-prisoners swap. Sources in the Tamil Nadu police say that a commando operation was ruled out not because of technical difficulties, bu t the prospect of harm to the hostages' lives. "Even in the most professionally managed commando operations," says one officer, "there is always the element of risk. In this case, it was considered unacceptable." But even if the State governments were un willing to risk Rajkumar's life, there was no reason for an unguided negotiation process, consisting essentially of accepting all that the kidnappers asked for. With the Supreme Court having put an end to this process, both Karunanidhi and Krishna appear to be distancing themselves from the hostage negotiations. For both Chief Ministers, events over the past 100 days have become something of an embarrassment, allowing damaging political attacks.

Larger issues will also need to be addressed along with the fate of Karnataka's most famous film star. There is little doubt that the obsequious posture adopted by the two States has done not a little to legitimise Veerappan and his newfound Tamil nation alist associates. This has happened in a larger context of overt support for chauvinist organisations like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in recent months, both from the Hindu Right and in a section of the Tamil-language press. Indeed, Veerappan an d the TNLA-TNRF have themselves been vested with fantastic, though largely imaginary, military prowess. Reports about the groups possessing assault rifles, and their tactical relationship with the LTTE, have graced the front pages of newspapers with dist urbing regularity. In fact, published photographs show that the Sathyamangalam group possesses nothing other than two 7.62 millimetre self-loading rifles, some 12-bore shotguns, and a single .303 Lee Enfield rifle.

The decision taken by Veerappan and his TNLA-TNRF allies to kidnap a high-profile public figure has, in this sense, paid off. For the last three years, neither the Tamil Nadu nor the Karnataka government had made any serious effort to engage the brigand and eliminate his armed presence in the forest. Should they fail to do so, the consequences will be felt not just in the forests, but through Tamil Nadu: and perhaps not in the very distant future. Veerappan and the TNLA-TNRF axis could emerge as a focal point for Tamil nationalist forces, propelling the growth of aggressive ethnic chauvinism. The LTTE, although it has had little to do with the drama in the forests, would without doubt benefit from such a climate. For the past several years, Veerappan's operations have been seen as something of a joke. Should their latest manifestation pass unchallenged, people in Tamil Nadu might be hard pressed to find anything comic about events that could follow.

With inputs from Ravi Sharma

Kidnapping of Rajkumar

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kannada film industry's legendary star actor Rajkumar was abducted by forest Veerappan on July 30, 2000 during the course of an armed attack on a farmhouse belonging to the actor in Gajanur, Tamil Nadu, India.^[1] Rajkumar was released by Veerappan on November 15, 2000 after spending 108 days in his custody.^[2] The kidnapping resulted in the further deterioration of already strained relations between the Indian states of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and created a tense situation in the two states.
BackgroundKidnapping people in return for favours has always been a part of Veerappan's modus operandi. In 1997, Veerappan kidnapped nine forest officials at Marapala in the Burude forests of Kollegala taluk and demanded an official pardon from the government in return for releasing them. However, the hostages were eventually released after 7 weeks in captivity with none of Veerappan's demands being conceded.
According to Rajkumar's son, Raghavendra Rajkumar, the Special Task Force (STF) appointed to nab Veerappan, had warned him about the possibility of an abduction a year prior to his eventual capture.^[3] But Rajkumar had ignored them^[3] joking that by kidnapping him, Veerappan would get nothing more than "a shirt and a dhoti".^[1]

Attack and abduction

At about 9.30 pm on July 30, 2000, Veerappan attacked Rajkumar's farmhouse in Gajanur in Tamil Nadu with an armed band of 10 or 12 men.^[3] Rajkumar had travelled to Gajanur on July 27, 2000 to conduct the grihapravesham of a new house constructed by him. Rajkumar had just finished dinner when Veerappan and his gang barged in.^[3] According to Parvathamma Rajkumar, wife of Rajkumar, Rajkumar and his family members were watching television when Veerappan entered the house and asked in Kannada, "We want sir!"^[1] They, then, led Rajkumar in pouring rain, out of the house.^[1] Outside the house, Veerappan enquired Rajkumar about the other people in the house. Based on information given by Rajkumar, Veerappan went back to the house and took Rajkumar's son-in-law S.A. Govindaraj, a relation Nagesh and an assistant film director, Nagappa with him.^[1]
The Inspector-General of Police, Tamil Nadu, M. Balachandran and Commander of the STF, Harshavardhan Raju were at a meeting in Dimbum, 55-kilometres from Rajkumar's farmhouse in Gajanur at the time of the abduction.^[3] Based on a tip-off that Veerappan would be visiting a Hindu temple in Dimbum, they were laying a trap to capture him.^[3]

Desperate in Bangalore

RAVI SHARMA
in Bangalore

WITH the hostage drama continuing interminably, the family members of Rajkumar and also the people, and Government of Karnataka are at their wits end. With Veerappan and his Tamil militant associates having boxed themselves into a corner - insisting that Karnataka first drop the charges under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) filed against 51 of Veerappan's alleged associates before the actor can be released - and the Supreme Court not being inclined to allow this, there is very little that Chief Minister S.M. Krishna and his think tank can do.

K. BHAGYA PRAKASH

S.A. Govindaraj (second from right), who was released by Veerappan on the night of October 16, with Rajkumar's wife Parvathamma and sons Puneet, Shiv Rajkumar and Raghavendra in Bangalore on October 17.

Home Minister Mallikarjun Kharge summed up the helplessness of the government: "We have left everything to the Tamil Nadu government. We have been told by the Tamil Nadu government that the emissaries will go again on a sixth mission shortly. We do not k now when." Kharge was unsure whether an emissary of the Karnataka government will join the mission. He said that "it was up to M. Karunanidhi". Also, he did not know on what grounds the emissaries would negotiate with Veerappan for the release of the hos tages. In view of the opposition from Rajkumar's family, the government has ruled out a commando operation.

Rajkumar's family sent its 18th message to the actor through All India Radio. His wife Parvathamma, who has recovered from a mild heart attack, asked Rajkumar to "be brave and calm" and said, in reply to the actor's plea that he be freed, that the family was doing everything it could on the matter. Two of Rajkumar's sons, who are themselves film artists, have, like the rest of the Kannada film industry, stopped work. The family is now planning to meet Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee.

Negotiations with the brigand, carried out initially through Nakkheeran Editor R.R. Gopal and later through an expanded four-man team of emissaries, which included Gopal but was headed by P. Nedumaran, are the only way out of the crisis, according to both Krishna and leaders of the majority of Opposition parties. However, the choice of Nedumaran, given his pro-Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) bias, and Kalyani and Sukumaran, who are known to be Tamil nationalist sympathisers, as emissaries came in for criticism, ironically from the president of Krishna's own Congress(I) party, Sonia Gandhi. On October 18, Sonia Gandhi, who was in Raichur in northern Karnataka, voiced concern over persons with alleged LTTE links being sent to negotiate. Sh e said that the Karnataka government was not a party to the choice of the emissaries. Sonia Gandhi said: "I know those who are mediating with Veerappan have connections with the LTTE. I discussed this with Chief Minister S.M. Krishna and it is clear the choice was made by the Tamil Nadu government."

Krishna, who completed 12 months in office on October 11 with a cloud hanging over his head, has been cagey about answering questions over the choice of Nedumaran. A Krishna aide said: "With the kind of pressure he is facing, all that Krishna wants is th e safe release of Rajkumar. And he has been totally dependent on Karunanidhi for this. Whoever is chosen by Karunanidhi has to be accepted by Karnataka. It was hardly surprising that he nodded in agreement to Nedumaran and the other two being sent as emi ssaries."

Krishna, who rebutted a report that he had said that the Centre was also involved in the choice of Nedumaran, later telephoned his Tamil Nadu counterpart to deny having said that Nedumaran was Tamil Nadu's choice. After Karunanidhi told reporters in Chen nai that Krishna had approved Nedumaran's choice, Krishna was forced to issue a statement, which was faxed to Karunanidhi.

Indicating Karnataka's total dependence on the Tamil Nadu government to secure the release of Rajkumar, the statement said: "In our anxiety to ensure the early and safe return of Mr Rajkumar and other hostages we considered it prudent not to come in the way of any initiative taken by the Tamil Nadu government in this regard."

Krishna, who found it prudent to end the controversy quickly, has had less trouble with Opposition party leaders, who after another all-party meeting said that they were still in favour of continuing with negotiations with Veerappan. The meeting was also in favour of the government waiting for the final judgment of the Supreme Court and refraining from a commando action. However, Nedumaran's presence in the negotiating team is an embarrassment for the Krishna government, which made it clear that it was not inclined to meet Nedumaran or the other two emissaries. Krishna had met Gopal after his earlier missions. Former Home Minister and Janata Dal (United) leader P.G.R. Sindhia summed up what most Opposition leaders feel: "We want Rajkumar back, that is why we are keeping quiet. Let the crisis get over. Then we can take up the Nedumaran issue."

Said the BJP's floor leader in the Legislative Council, D.H. Shankaramurthy: "Whatever stand the government takes we will support it whether we like it or not." The Opposition has, however, warned that its cooperation would not be indefinite. According t o Jagdish Shettar of the BJP, Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly, the Opposition did not make any suggestion since its view was not sought.

Krishna, who has been criticised for neglecting the State's administration, has asked Kharge to handle the hostage crisis.

The suggestion of Leader of the Legislative Council K.H. Srinivasa that the Union government be persuaded to issue an Ordinance removing certain clauses of the TADA Act (to enable the early release of Veerappan's alleged associates, detained under the Ac t) has reportedly found favour with Krishna. He has directed the State's Advocate-General and Law Secretary to look into the matter before a formal request is made to Union Home Minister L.K. Advani. The government is also thinking of writing to the Chief Justice of the Karnataka High Court requesting him to set up special courts for the speedy disposal of TADA cases. But Law and Parliamentary Affairs Minister D.B. Chandre Gowda ruled out the possibility of the government considering other legal options to free the TADA detainees as long as the case was pending in the Supreme Court.

But not all Opposition leaders have been publicly supportive of Krishna. Former Karnataka Minister and senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader H. Nage Gowda, who has been forthright in his criticism of the Krishna government's handling of the issue, told Fron tline that "the Opposition had failed to see beyond its own interests". Terming the Karnataka government's reaction as "an ugly demonstration of concern" for Rajkumar, he said that Krishna should "pressure Karunanidhi to get Rajkumar since he was kidnapp ed in Tamil Nadu" or seek Central help for a commando operation? "Why should an elected government listen to the family members of Rajkumar and refrain from a commando operation. This cannot be allowed to go on forever." Nage Gowda also wanted the Karuna nidhi and Krishna governments to be dismissed and President's Rule imposed in both States.

While rumours and unconfirmed reports about the release of Rajkumar circulated in Bangalore, the only comforting piece of news for the government was the release of Rajkumar's son-in-law S.A. Govindaraj on October 16. Another hostage, assistant film dire ctor Nagappa Maradagi, "escaped" from Veerappan's custody on September 28. Govindaraj, who was released on account of ill-health, said that the Veerappan gang had shifted the hostages 35 times since the kidnap. He said that Veerappan was unlikely to free Rajkumar until the TADA detainees were freed. According to Govindaraj, Nagappa's escape was a setback to the negotiations. Govindaraj was taken to hospital for a routine check-up after he returned from the forests. Nagappa has not made a public appearan ce since he was produced before journalists on September 29. According to Govindaraj, Veerappan housed them in small tents pitched under trees.

The Kannada Film Industry Action Committee me met the four emissaries in Chennai on October 21 and urged them to undertake another mission to secure the release of the actor. According to Rajkumar's son Puneet, Nedumaran had indicated that he would secur e the release of Rajkumar during his next mission. Puneet said that Nedumaran had told him that he (Nedumaran) had gone to the forests at "nobody's behest but purely on humanitarian grounds".

The Karnataka government's response to the abduction has thus far been a chain of knee-jerk reactions. For instance, Kharge, when asked about Veerappan's reported plan to flee to Jaffna in Sri Lanka after releasing Rajkumar, said that "after the release of Mr. Rajkumar let him go anywhere". The reply was of a piece with what former Karnataka Chief Minister J.H. Patel said in August 1997 when Veerappan released eight Karnataka Forest Department personnel whom he had held hostage for 44 days. Patel, when asked whether the Karnataka Special Task Force would pursue and apprehend Veerappan, said that if he roamed "like a wild animal in Tamil forests, it is none of our business".

Veerappan has made the State pay dearly for this attitude. He kidnapped six people from the Bandipur forests in October 1997. Then, after lying low mostly on the Tamil Nadu side of the forests for nearly two years, he kidnapped Rajkumar. It would appear that Karnataka and Tamil Nadu have meaningfully responded to Veerappan's challenge only when he kidnapped someone.

I over-powered the gunman: Nagappa

By Our Staff Reporter
BANGALORE, SEPT. 29. The Kannada assistant film director, Mr. Nagappa Maradagi, who escaped from Veerappan's custody on Thursday, gave an account of his escape at a press conference convened here today by the Karnataka Chief Minister, Mr. S.M. Krishna.
He said that around 2. a.m. he managed to get out of the tent, where he and Mr. Gopal and two aides of the outlaw were sleeping.
After trekking some distance, he was stopped by a gun- toting associate of Veerappan. ``Though he had a gun and a battery-run torch with him, I over-powered him and started running.''
Mr. Nagappa said that he reached a hotel at Bannari around 10 a.m. and left to Doddagajanur by a bus after borrowing Rs. 15 from a stranger.
He said he was emotionally overcome when he heard Ms. Parvathamma Rajkumar, actor Mr. Rajkumar's wife, appealing to Veerappan from hospital over the All India Radio to release her husband. ``I wanted see `Amma' immediately and thus escaped from the brigand's captivity,'' he claimed. He also said Mr. Rajkumar was grieving over his wife health. When Mr. Nagappa was asked whether Veerappan had sent any cassette with him, he replied in the negative. As the presspersons kept shooting questions at him, Mr. S.M. Krishna, abruptly ended the press conference.
When Mr. Krishna was asked whether Mr. Nagappa's escape would not endanger Mr. Rajkumar's life, he said: ``I cannot speculate. We will take stock of the situation arising out of Mr. Nagappa's escape.''
What was further intriguing was that after the press conference when Mr. Nagappa was about to get into the car of Mr. Rajkumar's actor-son, Mr. Shivarajkumar, he was taken away in a State car by the police.
Mr. Nagappa has been admitted to a private hospital in the city for treatment. He has suffered some injuries and bruises in his head and forehead.
When the Director-General and Inspector-General of Police, Mr. C. Dinakar, was questioned about the authenticity of the escape, in the wake of some inconsistencies and contradictions in Mr. Nagappa's statements, he said there was no reason for him to disbelieve the assistant director.

A mission on hold

T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
in Chennai

ON August 31, for Nakkheeran Editor R.R. Gopal, it appeared that securing the release of Rajkumar and others held hostage by Veerappan was only a matter of one week. However, the opportunity slipped through his fingers the next day, as he watched helplessly.

COURTESY: NAKKHEERAN

Kannada film actor Rajkumar and other hostages with 'Nakkheeran' Gopal in the Thalawadi forests.

Emissary of the Tamil Nadu and Karnataka governments in their dealings with Veerappan, Gopal had sewn up an agreement with the sandalwood smuggler and nine Tamil extremists with him in the Sathyamangalam-Thalavadi forests. The hostages' release, accordin g to it, was to be in exchange for the release of five extremists imprisoned in Tamil Nadu and 121 alleged associates of Veerappan detained in Karnataka, including 51 in Central Prison, Mysore. According to the "schedule" sent in an audio cassette to Tam il Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi on September 2, Gopal had mentioned when and where the five extremists, belonging to the Tamil Nadu Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Tamil National Retrieval Force (TNRF), should be sent. These persons were to reach th e forests September 4. Gopal was to return to Chennai with Rajkumar and S.A. Govindaraj, Nagesh and Nagappa, the other hostages, on September 5. Gopal said: "It was on August 31 evening, after this agreement was reached, that I felt genuinely happy after several weeks."

But then the Supreme Court intervened. Two directions of the court on a petition before it, and the Karnataka High Court's intervention on another issue, both of which had a bearing on the kidnappers' demands, came as two consecutive blows, according to Gopal. He said these orders led to the collapse of the agreement. Veerappan and the nine TNLA/TNRF cadres with him were firm that Rajkumar would be released only when the five TNLA/TNRT men and the 121 alleged associates of Veerappan were released. "They said they are not bothered about the Supreme Court orders... I decided that there was no use of my staying in the forests. So I left the forests on September 5 and reached Chennai the following day," Gopal said. He met Karunanidhi and flew to Bangalore the same evening with film actor Rajnikant. In Bangalore he met Karnataka Chief Minister S.M. Krishna.

While talking to Frontline about the collapse of the agreement with Veerappan, Gopal appeared hurt by the media campaign in Chennai and Bangalore that he had returned "empty-handed". He was sore that his efforts to get Rajkumar released, which inc luded three arduous treks into the forests, had not won due appreciation in the media. Gopal said that the two Chief Ministers had entrusted him with "a sensitive mission". In the audio cassette that Veerappan first gave Rajkumar's wife Parvathamma on Ju ly 30 (the day of the abduction), the brigand had not specifically asked the two State governments to send Gopal as an emissary: he only said that "an emissary" be sent to discuss his demands. Nor did Gopal ask the Chief Ministers that he be sent as the emissary. He said,"Both the governments chose me. It is 40 days since I accepted the mission. Ever since, I have been walking on the razor's edge. If I have stomached so much of humiliation, there is only one reason: to obtain Rajkumar's release and ensu re the safety of a couple of million Tamils living in Karnataka."

After the abduction, Gopal left for the forests for the third time on August 28. He was accompanied by Nakkheeran reporter/videographer/photographer P. Sivasubramanian, and reporters P. Subramanian and Balamurugan. The meeting with Veerappan did n ot come easily in the present episode, unlike earlier. Gopal had to wait at the fringes of the forest for several days. He said, "I had to talk to Veerappan and convince him. I also had to convince the nine TNLA/TNRT men. Besides, I had to persuade them to allow me to meet Rajkumar and comfort him. I did all this in the three missions."

GOPAL and his team entered the forests on August 30 night after being received by Veerappan's deputies Sethukuli Govindan and Chandran Gounder. Gopal met Veerappan on August 31. The latter reiterated his demands, which included, apart from the release of the detainees, payment of compensation of Rs.10 lakhs each to the women who were allegedly raped and the families of persons who were allegedly killed by the Special Task Force (STF) formed to catch him, and Rs.5 lakhs each to people who were affected o therwise. Gopal explained how the Tamil Nadu government had agreed to the unconditional release of the five men, and how the Karnataka government has agreed to release all the 121 persons on bail (71 of them had already obtained bail), and how the two go vernments had together set up a corpus of Rs.10 crores to provide compensation to those affected during STF operations in 1991-92.

"The negotiations came to an end the same evening (September 31). He said 'give me five men and I will give you four men in exchange'. The 121 persons were also to be released," Gopal said. "All the nine TNLA/TNRF cadres were present at the negotiations. Veerappan asked them, 'Is there anything more? Shall we close the matter?' Then he waved his hand and the negotiations concluded successfully. He asked Sivasubramanian to switch off the video cameras."

After this Gopal met Rajkumar and the three other hostages. Gopal sent a video cassette and an audio cassette to Chennai through two members of his team. The video cassette shows Rajkumar as saying that he was all right and asking the people of Karnataka to show restraint. He said there were fears that after his release, Tamilians in Karnataka would be harmed. This should not happen, Rajkumar said. He wanted the two governments to provide relief at the earliest to those affected by the anti-Tamil riots during the agitation over the Cauvery water issue in 1991 and those affected by the STF action.

In the audio cassette, Gopal gave the details of the agreement he had reached with Veerappan. Gopal mentioned where the five detainees should be sent on September 4. The next day, he said, he would return to Chennai with Rajkumar. Both the cassettes were received by Nakkheeran's Associate Editor A. Kamaraj and handed over to Karunanidhi. The video cassette was sent to Krishna.

In the night after the negotiations Gopal saw the nine TNLA/TNRF cadres writing banners with red ink. He said with them there were books on Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, V.I. Lenin and Che Guevara. When Gopal asked them what they were doing, they replied that the next day (September 1) was the death anniversary of TNLA founder Tamilarasan and that they commemorated it as martyrs' day.

Gopal said that their slogans, including those extolling Tamil nationalism, echoed in the forests on September 1 morning. A red-and-yellow flag, with stars on the left and the picture of a man taming a bull in the middle, fluttered on an improvised flag pole. Pictures of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Che Guevara, besides those of Arjunan (Veerappan's brother, who died while in custody) and Dharmapuri Ravindran (a Marxist-Leninist who died recently) were arranged on the floor. The nine men were dressed in the uniforms of the TNLA and the TNRF. "General" Veerappan was in combat fatigues and an Army cap. Sethukuli Govindan was also dressed similarly.

Maran spoke in Tamil for about 15 minutes on why the movement was started and where it was headed. Under the flag, the group took an oath that they would wage an armed struggle and fulfil the dream of Tamilarasan for the "liberation" of Tamil Nadu. They also swore that they would struggle for the formation of a casteless and classless socialist society in the State. After they took the red salute, Maran announced that "elder brother" ('Periannan') would speak. Thereupon Veerappan spoke about various "mo vements" and how "demons" (policemen) should be "slain". Maran then took Gopal and Rajkumar to the place where they took the red salute and lectured to them on the version of Marxism.

Gopal said that after this Veerappan listened to the Tamil news bulletin of All India Radio at 12-40 p.m., and came to him. "He asked us what the indefinite stay meant," Gopal recalled. Gopal had not listened to the news bulletin and was hence puzzled, b ut explained the meaning of the term. Gopal listened to the 2-15 p.m. Tamil bulletin, and knew about the Supreme Court order. It was as if thunderbolt had struck us," he said. Then on September 3 came the news about the public interest petition pleading that five TNLA/TNRF men should not be released. The Supreme Court told the Karnataka government on September 4 to complete the pleadings before pressing for an early hearing. There was more "bad news" on September 5, when the Karnataka High Court stayed the hearings of the Justice Sadashiva Commission of Inquiry, which is investigating allegations against the STF personnel.

Veerappan, his men and the TNLA/TNRF activists held consultations several times. Veerappan said: "Give me five men and the 121 persons in this hand and take back four from the other hand." According to Gopal, they said they were not bothered about the Su preme Court order because the two governments had promised them the release of all these persons. Gopal pointed out to them how it was not possible to go against the Supreme Court orders. But they ignored what he said. Gopal said he thought of alternativ e plans. However, after the Karnataka High Court order, he decided that "there is no use staying in the forests." He returned to Chennai on September 6.

For Gopal, now a picture of dejection, it was so close and yet so far.

Mystery surrounds Rajkumar release

Negotiations for Rajkumar's release dragged on

By Habib Beary in Bangalore It is far from clear what finally led to the release of film idol Rajkumar - but speculation is growing that a ransom was paid over a period of time since the abduction at the end of July.
Officials associated with the hostage crisis said the health of the ageing actor was a critical factor in facilitating the release.

Veerappan: Did not want actor's health to deteroriate

Rajkumar said emissaries and a team of unofficial representatives sent to negotiate had asked him to fake illness - which he did. This is said to have unnerved Veerappan who recognised the consequences if the film star was harmed in any way.
Tamil organisations in Karnataka had also taken initiatives to secure his release as they feared reprisals against the Tamil community, whose cause Veerappan had ostensibly been championing.
Rajkumar himself and the Karnataka Chief Minster SM Krishna have so far evaded questions on whether a ransom was paid to the bandit.
At a joint news conference held at the imposing state secretariat in Bangalore on Thursday, Mr Krishna side-stepped such questions.
No comment
He said the purpose of the conference was to present before the media the freed actor and get his account of his stay in the jungle and not to answer any other questions.

Pressure from supporters grew

Rajkumar said he would talk about his ordeal and would not comment on other matters. To a specific question as to whether the government would grant an amnesty or clemency to Veerappan, Rajkumar said it was for the government to talk about that.
But he quickly added that there was a human side to the bandit who had taken great care of him.
Although the state government has denied paying any ransom, there is talk in film industry circles of a lot of money passing hands to facilitate the release.
Immediately after the kidnap, newspapers reported that Veerappan had asked for a ransom of 500m rupees.
And in the past ,Veerapppan had demanded ransom in exchange for the release of hostages held by him.

The political links

The final act of the hostage drama provides further pointers to the political forces at play.
T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

ONE baffling aspect of the Rajkumar hostage drama was the polychromatic cast that finally assembled in the Thalamalai-Thalavadi forests to persuade forest brigand Veerappan to release Rajkumar. Led by Tamil Nationalist Movement founder P. Nedumaran, it i ncluded other Tamil nationalists, a human rights activist, a person who was hitherto a Dravidar Kazhagam (D.K.) office-bearer, a transport fleet operator, a journalist-turned-quarry operator, and a woman medical practitioner. A common thread among most o f them was their uncompromising support to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a proscribed organisation that was responsible for the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991. Be it Nedumaran, Kolathur Mani, P. Shanmugasun daram or G. Sugumaran, they are all Tamil nationalists to the core and wear their sympathy for the LTTE on their sleeves.

M. MOORTHY

P. Nedumaran gets a warm reception by members of the Tamizhar Desiya Iyakkam on his return to Chennai.

Billeted in the forest hideout with Veerappan are about nine men belonging to the Tamil National Liberation Army (TNLA), led by Maran, and the Tamil National Retrieval Force (TNRF), headed by Amudhan. Both are extremist Tamil nationalist groups wedded to "self-determination" for Tamil Nadu, a euphemism for secessionism. While the TNLA is Marxist-Leninist in its ideology, the TNRF has no such pretensions. A few TNRF men were trained by the LTTE in the northeastern region of Sri Lanka.

A police officer who had dealt with the TNLA cadres said: "Although the TNLA and the TNRF dictated terms on the abduction issue, I feel they have a liking for Nedumaran because of ideological affinity." He felt that there was "not much of an LTTE angle t o the release as the Tamil chauvinistic angle. Through Tamil chauvinism, the LTTE affiliation comes in. The TNLA-LTTE nexus is a fertile ground for militancy to breed."

Earlier, some observers were of the opinion that there was a Vanniyar angle to the release. Dr. S. Ramadoss, founder of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), essentially a vehicle of the Vanniyar community's aspirations, gave a letter to G. Sugumaran, a membe r of Nedumaran's team, to be handed over to Veerappan. Dr. Ramadoss reportedly told Veerappan in the letter that he should release Rajkumar to ensure the safety of Tamils living in Karnataka and that he (Dr. Ramadoss), in turn, would fight for the releas e of 51 persons detained under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, or TADA, by the Karnataka police in Mysore. Both Dr. Ramadoss and Veerappan are Vanniyars. However, an informed source in the top brass of the Tamil Nadu police rule d out any such caste connection.

If Nedumaran was the new hero, Nakkheeran Gopal was the "fallen hero". He was robbed of the limelight in the final act. Gopal, who had done the groundwork for Rajkumar's release, was eased out of the sixth and last mission that led to the release. Rajkumar himself dismissed Gopal's role in winning his freedom, and said: "Gopal came and went, and each time he came our hopes rose but we were not released." A top Tamil Nadu police officer commented: "You cannot belittle Gopal's role. When nobody kne w whether Rajkumar was alive or all right, he ventured into the forests, met Veerappan, and returned with photographs and video-films that showed Rajkumar was all right. That came as a great relief." Gopal's reaction to Rajkumar's remarks was dignified: "We did not do anything expecting rewards."

ALTHOUGH the script ended with Rajkumar being freed, several questions remain. Why did the actor retract his earlier remark that it was a manoeuvre that Dr. Bhanu played on Veerappan, asking him (Rajkumar) to feign serious illness to make Veerappan take pity on him, that led to his release? The denial came in a statement released at Nedumaran's press conference in Chennai on November 17. The statement added: "Dr. (Mrs) Bhanu came to treat me for chest pain. She asked me how I was keeping my condition to myself when I was in such a health. I replied that I had to pretend to be doing well in the present situation." Rajkumar emphatically denied "the distorted version of this (that was) being spread by the media" and claimed that he had never thought of wi nning his freedom through "such deceit".

Nedumaran disclosed that Veerappan had scaled up one of his demands: he now demanded the release of not five but seven TNLA/TNRF men detained in Tamil Nadu.

As Nedumaran took over the leadership of the missions, the Tamil Nadu police were left clueless about what was going on. Nedumaran charted his own way. During the first four missions, which were led by Gopal, the top brass of the two States' police were informed of the developments. While Additional Director-General of Police (Special Operations) A.X. Alexander and Nakkheeran Associate Editor A. Kamaraj played coordinating roles in the background for the Tamil Nadu government, K.R. Srinivas, Insp ector-General of Police, Karnataka, was positioned in Chennai.

Once Nedumaran took charge of the fifth and sixth missions, the matter slipped out of the hands of the police. A police officer said: "The entire operation was done by Nedumaran. Handling him was difficult. He did not play by any rules."

(From left) Veerappan's deputy Sethukuli Govindan, the forest brigand, president of the Tamilar Peravai in Bangalore A.P. Shanmugasundaram, Rajkumar, Kalyani, Nedumaran, Sugumaran and Kolathur Mani on November 14.

Baffling were the roles played by Kolathur Mani, P. Shanmugasundaram and R. Ramkumar, who materialised in the forests during the final mission.

Until some time ago, Kolathur Mani was one of the State-level organising secretaries of the D.K. led by K. Veeramani. According to Nedumaran, Kolathur Mani was an "influential man" in the Mettur area where he worked to provide relief for the atrocities a llegedly committed by the Special Task Force (STF) that hunted for Veerappan. What Nedumaran did not reveal was that Mani had organised training camps for LTTE cadres in his village of Kolathur near Mettur when Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister. Mani was an accused in the case relating to the escape of 43 LTTE cadres from Tipu Mahal inside Vellore Fort on August 15, 1995 after digging a 153-foot-long tunnel. He was acquitted.

The final report of the Jain Commission that inquired into Rajiv Gandhi's assassination described Kolathur Mani's conduct as "extremely dubious". It said "he knew the whereabouts of Sivarajan, Subha and Nehru (all accused in the assassination case) in ea rly August 1991 when the SIT (Special Investigation Team of the Central Bureau of Investigation) spoke to him. He concealed the information from them all along." The report added that Kolathur Mani was "actively instrumental" in "getting these accused tr ansported clandestinely from Bangalore to Chennai".

Shanmugasundaram is president of Karnataka Tamilar Peravai. A native of Pidariyur, near Chennimalai, Tamil Nadu, he is based in Bangalore, operating a transport fleet. According to the police, he had links with the LTTE and knew Sivarajan, who mastermin ded the assassination. A police officer wondered how Shanmugasundaram got back into the reckoning after "hardcore" LTTE supporters had shunned him because he had allegedly "exposed" several LTTE men to the CBI.

Dr. Bhanu is a native of Tirunelveli, Tamil Nadu. Her parents moved to Madurai and then to Bangalore. She studied in Malaysia. She holds a degree in medicine. Her father has interests in granite business in Karnataka and has links with Kolathur Mani. It was Shanmugasu-ndaram who persuaded her to enter the forests to treat Rajkumar.

Ramkumar is a son of the former Director-General of Police, Karnataka, R. Ramalingam. His role in the release is puzzling. He was a reporter with a Tamil daily, Dinachudar, in Bangalore. He too has interests in the quarrying business. Bhanu and Ra mkumar know each other.

Fifty-three-year-old Kalyani taught physics in government colleges in Tamil Nadu before he took voluntary retirement. He was a sympathiser of the People's War Group, a Marxist-Leninist organisation, and was an organiser for the Tamil Nadu unit of the Rev olutionary Cultural Movement. He started the People's Education Movement with others who had left the PWG. Kalyani has been working for the welfare of Dalits and tribals. He is a supporter of Maniarasan's Tamil Desiya Podhuvudamai Katchi (Tamil National Communist Party), which led to his interest in Tamil nationalism.

Speaking to Frontline, Kalyani angrily denied that there was a "Vanniyar angle" to the release. "We care only for human rights. Where is the question of our belonging to any community?" he asked. He pointed out that he was not a Vanniyar but a The var.

Kalyani said: "There was no deal with Veerappan. They were firm on their demands. We told them that only certain demands could be conceded and if they continued to lay down more demands, fresh problems would arise."

Kalyani said the team assured Veerappan that follow-up action would be taken on the legal steps initiated for the release of the TADA detainees and the five cadres. Kalyani claimed that the members of the team were able to convince them that they were a ll full-time human rights activists.

Sugumaran is the secretary of the Pondicherry unit of the People's Union for Civil Liberties. He has a strong Tamil nationalist background.

The DMK government headed by M. Karunanidhi attracted strong criticism when Nedumaran took part in the fifth mission, along with Gopal. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) general secretary and former Chief Minister Jayalalitha objected to the Government sending as its emissary a "secessionist" and an LTTE supporter who had exhorted the people of the State to register themselves as Tamil nationals and not as Indian citizens in the coming Census. S.R. Balasubramaniam of the Tamil Maanila Co ngress (TMC) described the choice of Nedumaran as "dangerous and irresponsible".

N. Sankaraiah, secretary of the Tamil Nadu State Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), accused the DMK government of allowing Tamil separatism to take root in the State.

In the Assembly on November 7, Leader of the Opposition S. Balakrishnan described Nedumaran as an "anti-national force" and suggested that he be "blocked" from entering the forests and "arrested".

A soft-spoken Nedumaran reacted furiously. He declined to go into the forests to negotiate with Veerappan. "Balakrishnan has made a totally false allegation against me in the Assembly. I, therefore, appeal to the Chief Minister to send my good friend and patriot Balakrishnan to the forests to make efforts for Rajkumar's release," Nedumaran said caustically. He alleged that political leaders, without giving a thought to the safety of Tamils living in Karnataka and Kannadigas in Tamil Nadu, ridiculed his efforts so that they could make political capital out of riots engineered by linguistic chauvinists.

This position of Nedumaran led to a flood of requests to reconsider the decision. Rajkumar's sons Shiv Rajkumar and Raghavendra Rajkumar visited Nedumaran's residence. Another visitor was Dr. Ramadoss. Defence Minister George Fernandes also spoke to him. While film actor Rajnikant phoned Nedumaran, Kannada film actor Ambareesh and the president of the Karnataka Film Chamber of Commerce K.C.N. Chandrasekar, met Nedumaran.

In the Assembly, Karunanidhi defended his decision to send Nedumaran.

On November 11 night, Nedumaran, with Kalyani and Sugumaran, left for the forests. Nedumaran said that he was going "not as an emissary of the government but as an ambassador of humanitarianism". There were no indications of Gopal leaving separately. Gop al took the line that he was the "designated emissary of the two governments" (implying that the negotiations cannot take place without him) and that he was waiting for a "signal" from Veerappan.

On November 14 morning, Nedumaran, Kalyani and Sugumaran, later joined by Shanmugasundaram, met Veerappan in the forests along with Kolathur Mani and Dr. Bhanu. Veerappan released Rajkumar and his nephew Nagesh the same day around 5 p.m. Nedumaran, Rajku mar and others stayed in a farm house at Muzhiyanur near Andhiyur that night.

Gopal left Chennai on November 14 morning and learnt to his disappointment the next morning that Rajkumar had already been freed. Reliable sources said the signal to Gopal was deliberately delayed so that he would not be present when Rajkumar was set fre e.

Informed sources alleged that the Karnataka Government kept the Tamil Nadu government in the dark about the trip by Kolathur Mani, Dr. Bhanu and Ramkumar. The Tamil Nadu government came to know about it and hit back in its own way. In the State Assembly, Karunanidhi attacked the previous J.H. Patel government in Karnataka for not honouring its assurance to release 119 TADA detainees in Mysore, as demanded by Veerappan when he set free nine Karnataka Forest Department employees he had abducted in July 19 97. Gopal had played a key role in their release. Karunanidhi said that despite his writing several letters to Patel, nothing had happened. Patel said the 119 TADA detainees would be released only when Veerappan surrendered, Karunanidhi said.

P.G.R. Sindhia, Home Minister in the Patel government, joined issue with Karunanidhi. Sindhia said Patel had kept his promise, set up a committee to review the cases of TADA detainees, and 75 of them were enlarged on bail. The other 51 could not be relea sed.

Veerappan's Wife Says He Was Not a Monster; No Takers for His Film in Native Village

D P Satish | News18.com

dp_satish
Updated: May 31, 2016, 3:59 PM IST

New Delhi: “I have no interest in movies on my husband. Many others also made money by killing elephants and smuggling sandalwood. But, only my husband was killed. Those who helped him are still roaming freely”, said Muthulakshmi speaking to News18.com over telephone from Gopichettypalyam in Tamil Nadu.
Veerappan’s wife Muthulakshi still lives in his native place. She divides her time between Gopinatham in Karnataka, Gopichettypalyam and one more village in neighbouring Tamil Nadu. She is now in her mid 40s and had spent a few years with Veerappan in the forest in the late 1980s and early1990s. Muthulakshmi has also been arrested by the police in the past. Numerous complaints lodged by her against the alleged police atrocities are still being heard by various courts. Muthulakshmi says her husband is being portrayed as a monster in all the movies made on him and she has no interest in watching any of them.

eerappan is seen in an undated file photo at an undisclosed location in the southern India.Image source: Reuters.
Filmmaker Ram Gopal Varma’s latest Hindi movie ‘Veerappan’ was released on last Friday. It has received mixed reactions from the moviegoers. A few months before this, Kannada superstar Shivraj Kumar’s movie ‘Killing Veerappan’ directed by same Ram Gopal Varma was released across Karnataka. The same movie was dubbed into Telugu. ‘Killing Veerappan’ has earned good money in the box office and Shivarajkumar’s acting also got a lot of praise.

Poster of 'Killing Veerappan'.
For Shivarajkumar, there was a strong personal reason to make this movie on Veerappan’s blood soaked life. His father and Kannada cinema legend Rajkumar had spent 108 days in Veerappan’s captivity in the mid 2000. He was finally released after a lot of negotiations by the Karnataka government.

Rajkumar and his wife Parvathamma during a news conference on his arrival in Bangalore November 16, 2000. Rajkumar was kidnapped by Veerappan and released after spending 108 days in captivity.Image: Reuters
She had filed a case against filmmaker AMR Ramesh for showing her husband in poor light in his Tamil film, ‘Vana Yudham’. Later she reportedly received a compensation of Rs 25 lakhs before the cinema was released. She had also opposed its Kannada version ‘Attahaasa’.
Veerappan and Muthulakshmi’s two daughters are now in their 20s. Their elder daughter Vidya Rani (now 26 years old) dropped out of college and married a man of her choice. Since she married a Christian boy, Muthulakshmi is still upset. In 2011, the matter came up before the Madras High Court. Her husband Mariya Deepak had approached the court alleging that Muthulakshmi was opposed to their inter-religious marriage and she had kept Vidya Rani under illegal custody. Later she was produced before the Madras High Court and she was reunited with her husband.

India's most wanted bandit, Veerappan, was killed in October 2004 in a shootout with police who had for years been hunting the smuggler.Image: Reuters
The younger daughter Prabha (now 23 years old) has done MA in English literature and lives with her mother. Muthulakshmi refuses to share their contact details saying that media coverage never helped them. Muthulakshmi has formed a self help group, Malaival Makkal Urimai Iyakkam, to support the poor villagers across Karnataka and Tamil Nadu border, once known as Veerappan territory. She owns a small piece of land inherited from Veerappan at Gopinatham. She cultivates it on her own.
In 2006, she unsuccessfully contested in the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections as an independent candidate from Pennagaram in Dharmapuri district.
Her fellow villagers are also disinterested in discussing Veerappan and the movies on him. “We don’t know anything about a new movie on Veerappan. There have been many in the past. We are struggling to eke out a living. There was less rain last year. Life is very tough. For us, Veerappan is a dead story. We have no interest in Veerappan or Veerappan movies” said Madesha, a middle aged poor farmer from Gopinatham. He was also speaking to News18 over telephone from the once most notorious village.
The slain forest brigand Veerappan’s co-villagers are not enthusiastic about the movies being made on him. Many people who once interacted with him still live in and around Gopinatham. But, most of them don’t want to talk about him. Madaiah, a villager in his 70s said “Veerappan’s real name was Veeraiah. He was an ordinary, poor man like us. There was nothing special about him. He became a forest brigand because the local forest department officials encouraged him to get into smuggling. He earned money for them. Once he became rich and powerful, the same people turned against him. He then fled to deeper into the forests to escape from them. I knew him extremely well. I have nothing to say about him. When he was alive, police used to harass me seeking information about him. Now, nobody is bothered about us. I have no interest in watching movies on Veerappan”.

Image source: Reuters
Simon, who claims that he is an activist said that they are fed up with the people who are interested only in juicy stories about Veerappan and not in the plight of his people. For them realities of life are much harsher and movies on one of their own makes no sense.
Mysore based advocate Venugopal, who once represented Veerappan in the courts dismisses the film as a fiction. He said “everything about Veerappan is well known. There is nothing new about him. Filmmakers should call them fiction. What they show on screen is far from the truth. They glorify a lot.”

The Veerappan days

Everyone loves a good mob story, be it The Godfather or Gangs of Wasseypur. While a lot of these are based on true events, there is yet to be a really authentic movie made on our very own Poacher/Bandit/Murderer from the south – Veerappan. A few days after what would have been his birthday, imagine a gritty, raw film about a man who spent a majority of his life gunning down people, animals, informants; smuggling expensive wood and hiding in thousands of kilometers of wilderness. Not that any of his heinous actions are ever condoned, but here’s a brief look at the dacoit’s life and some information that not everyone may know. Spoiler: There is a movie slated for release, but until then…

The Life: Sandalwood Smuggler Veerappan was born on 18^th January, 1952. Unlike a lot of other would-be gangsters, he spent more than 42 of his 52 years on this planet hunting, chopping, running and smuggling. That’s a pretty long time for a guy to have spent hiding in a forest, but, hey, takes some skill I suppose.

The moustache: Ah, probably the most iconic part of this smuggler bandit – the lush, thick handlebar moustache. The film is probably only delayed because no one could pull that face-hair off like he could. The stache is so beautiful that his wife actually claimed she married him because of it.

The poaching: Veerappan joined forces with a relative, also a notorious smuggler, poacher and criminal Sevi Gounder, and arguably learned everything he did from him. The child gunned down his first elephant – a tusker – at the age of 10. (!) In his lifetime he’s said to have killed over 2000 elephants for their ivory. (Image courtesy Getty Images)

The murder: Starting down this path at the age of 17, in his lifetime he’s said to have killed more than 180 people, ranging from police to forest officials. His temper and paranoia, alike, were such that he gunned down several civilians as well if he even suspected them of being informants to the authorities. He apparently shot a man dad for traveling in a police vehicle once. Damn.

The kidnappings: From between the 90s to the early 2000s, Veerappan and his gang were responsible for a number of kidnappings for ransom in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. These included police personnel, forest officials, and most famously, Dr. Rajkumar, the actor from Karnataka who was kidnapped and released for a whopping 30 crore rupees. 20 of which was apparently paid by the Karnataka government for his release. Not all his kidnap victims made it back safely, though.

The wealth: Veerappan, over the course of his incredible career, killed more than 2000 elephants for their ivory and smuggled close to 90,000 pounds of ivory and sandalwood. These combined are worth over 75 crore rupees. For a bandit living in the jungle with a handful of men in the 90s to late 2000s this was a massive sum of money. Not to mention his ransoms and gold added to it.

The notoriety: His wife, Muthulakshmi publicly credits his notoriety as one of the main reasons she chose to marry him. And being renowned for his lawlessness, there are multiple books written about the man and his band of merry men, even by some who were kidnapped and later released by him. Should be a good read if you’re interested. And although a lot of movies had been in the pipeline and later shelved, hopefully the film yet to come out this year will live up to the hype of this man.

The elusion: Veerappan was, all things considered, an expert survivalist. Anyone who can stay hidden for decades, living comfortably in a 6,000 km² forest successfully evading 3 state government forces has to have some skill going for him. Using guerilla tactics, his knowledge of the land and basically being a cold-blooded murderer, he could successfully ambush and eliminate anyone who did go in search of him. He’s also responsible for one of the largest mass killings, that of 22 members of the special forces team set after him. And all for killing his lieutenant. Vengeful much?

The PR: This is actually pretty amazing, depending on how true it is. So our Sandalwood smuggler king had a fleet of PR professionals working for him in offices even in New York and London. It seems they were assigned to help him maintain his reputation and in all likelihood keep him in the news and good graces of the politicians that supported him alike.

The hideout: So when you picture this frail bandit hiding out in a cave-like structure in the middle of nowhere surrounded by wild animals and mosquitoes and bugs, fret not, the stone cold killer cared enough about the warmth of his crib that he flew in his personal interior decorator to help. Good taste at least.

The death: Veerappan was finally found, surrounded and shot dead on the 18^th of October, 2004. Working off a tip, the special forces assigned to apprehending him tricked him and whoever was left of his gang into an ambulance under the presence of medical aid. The ensuing gun battle left them all dead and the end of the Veerappan era. The surrounding villages celebrated with firecrackers.
(10 images from social media)

Veerappan (2016 film) - Wikipedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Veerappan_(2016_film)

Veerappan is a 2016 Indian Hindi-language biographical action film written and directed by Ram Gopal Varma. The film is based on the real-life Indian bandit ...

Release date‎: ‎27 May 2016 (India)

Story by‎: ‎Ram Gopal Varma

Starring‎: ‎Sandeep Bharadwaj‎; ‎Sachiin J Joshi‎; ...

Music by‎: ‎Jeet Ganguly‎; John Stewart Eduri ...